There has recently been a considerable amount of attention and controversy surrounding proposed differences in the natural talents of social groups. Most, though not all, of these claims tend to concern the relative intelligence of some social groups compared to others. This includes claims such as the greater male variability hypothesis, which maintains that more men than women tend to fall on both the higher and lower ends of the IQ spectrum; ongoing and furious controversy about the intellectual aptitudes of various racial groups; and arguments about the correlation between intelligence and success. Though the intelligence dispute is perhaps the most prominent, there are also ongoing arguments about more abstract natural talents, including which social groups possess a stronger biological work ethic and who is best able to cope with stressful situations.
The furor surrounding these issues is to be expected, as are the varied reactions to such claims. In general, the radical or postmodern left is hostile to any claims that different social groups have variable natural talents. To the extent that one can quantify any differences in talents, they are to be attributed to sociological and political inequalities, which enable some to unjustly get ahead. By contrast, figures on the political right—from meritocratic classical liberals and traditionalist conservatives to the far right—tend to be more willing to accept that differences in natural talents are inevitable and largely unchangeable. Many are understandably concerned that politically correct left wing attitudes are proving a barrier to the pursuit of scientific knowledge about social groups and that this will in turn hinder our ability to promote the general welfare of society, since accurate scientific data on natural talents like intelligence can be useful when developing social programs and assessing long term developments. On the other hand, left wingers are concerned that the far right might invoke differences in the natural talents of different social groups to justify illiberal and discriminatory policies. While we have made considerable progress towards establishing a more equitable society, many still alive today have lived in societies in which the pseudo-scientific theories of various social Darwinists were used to justify a host of racist policies. Many of these continue to have a negative impact on talented members of marginalized groups and undoubtedly contribute to injustices, which liberal polities would be wise to rectify. Sadly, social Darwinist arguments have not entirely gone away. Far right figures, such as Stefan Molyneux, continue to invoke alleged differences in natural talents to try to justify various sexist and racist policies. This lends some credibility to left wing concerns about granting political significance to such arguments, even if it does not disprove the idea that there may be differences in natural talents.
The Radical Left Position on the Natural Talents of Different Social Groups
Much of the political thinking surrounding differences in natural talents is irrelevant from the standpoint of consistent and egalitarian liberalism. We must distinguish between the political significance granted to differences in natural talents by egalitarian liberals, and the political significance granted to such differences by the radical left and right. These positions should be understood as idealized categorizations, rather than as reflecting the specific views of individual authors. Generalizations cannot do full justice to the variability and occasional ideological inconsistency one sees in real authors. I am deeply skeptical that many differences in natural talents either exist or are actually that significant. While there is some evidence of variability in natural talents between the sexes (but not for inequality in the overall talents of men and women), I have not seen any convincing evidence that there is much variability in the natural talents of different ethnic or racial groups. But any differences in the natural talents of social groups should not be determinative of their status in society.
The position of many on the radical left is that there are no natural differences in the talents of different social groups, and therefore one can ascribe no political significance to such non-existent differences. This of course does not mean that there are no meaningful differences between the developed talents and successes of different social groups. But these differences can be attributed to sociological and political factors, rather than to nature. They are artificial distinctions, produced because different social groups come of age in unequal contexts and enjoy unequal advantages.
It is indisputable that certain groups enjoy unequal opportunities to develop their talents, which stem from sociological and political factors. For instance, women continue to perform a greater share of the world’s unpaid labor, while many girls are still denied the opportunity to attend primary or secondary school due to the persistence of sexist norms and policies (https://en.unesco.org/gem-report/sites/gem-report/files/girls-factsheet-en.pdf ). The same is true for many racial groups. For instance, the persistence of economic inequalities makes it more difficult for many black students to attend elite colleges, even when their grades would merit entry. These economic inequalities emerged due to centuries of oppression in racist societies, and are unjustifiable. The sociological and political factors which produce an unfair distribution of opportunities between groups are something that a just, liberal society would work to ameliorate.
However, the radical left can be too insistent on denying that there might be natural differences in the talents of different social groups. They are motivated in this by a reasonable concern that any such natural differences will be invoked to justify inequalities, which are actually the result of sociological and political factors. Or, worse, to justify new discriminatory policies. But it is insufficient to simply declare that there are no differences in the natural talents of different social groups. In the long run, being unwilling to even ask about differences in natural talents strikes me as unsustainable. Research into these questions will continue, and will likely produce results that problematize the argument that there are no natural differences in the talents of different social groups. If the left does not consider these issues, it will cede a great deal of ideological ground to the inegalitarian ideologies of the political right. Moreover, I do not think there is tremendous cause for concern. Most studies establishing differences in natural talents—for instance between the sexes—suggest that, while there is variability in the talents enjoyed by different groups, this tends to be minimal. More importantly, variability in natural talents does not suggest that one group is simply more talented than another. It simply implies that different groups tend to be better at different things. One of the major problems from an egalitarian liberal standpoint is that our society often rewards certain talents at the expense of others. One benefit of accepting the possibility of differences in natural talents is that it may enable us to develop more powerful arguments to show that a sincere liberalism needn’t allow such differences to produce unfair and unequal results.
The Right Position on the Natural Talents of Different Social Groups
Let us consider the position of the political right. There is a fair amount of variability on the question of what political significance should be granted to differences in the natural talents of different social groups. But most agree that there are likely to be differences between the natural talents of different social groups, and that this should have some political significance. For some, notably classical liberals, the state need do little to rectify inequalities that result from entirely natural differences in talents. For instance, Jordan Peterson will often invoke the different natural talents of men and women, in order to criticize feminist arguments about inequalities between the sexes. A common example would be that sociological and political factors, such as the influence of patriarchy, lead to income inequality between the sexes. For Peterson and other classical liberals, any such inequalities are better explained by the different natural talents and inclinations of the sexes. The political significance of this argument for classical liberals is that the state need not interfere with the economy and gender relations to produce more equal outcomes for men and women. Classical liberals argue that differences in natural talents provide support for a meritocratic system of distributive justice, which coincides very much with how the market rewards various talents. While traditional classical liberals don’t favor discriminatory policies to prevent various social groups from participating in the market economy, they aren’t generally interested in policies that will ameliorate the inequalities which might emerge from possessing unequal natural talents.
Those on the far right tend take a far more radical position. They tend to regard alleged differences as a justification for the state to adopt a discriminatory attitude towards what they see as inferior social groups. As a result, individuals on the far right tend to make patronizing and illiberal arguments. For instance, they will argue that natural differences in the intelligence of various racial groups can explain why blacks are incarcerated at a far higher rate than whites. Or they claim that differences in the natural talents of men and women justify the return of patriarchal hierarchies. Such far right arguments by figures like Stefan Molyneux are designed not just to neutralize the claim that sociological and political factors play a role in generating inequalities, but often to implicitly—and at times explicitly—support illiberal policies, such as apartheid or racial and sexual discrimination by social institutions.
There is something to the classical liberal argument about the dangers of trying to rectify all inequalities resulting from nature. The objections to this position were perhaps best stated in Robert Nozick’s classic work Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Nozick observes that anyone who truly wishes to rectify all inequalities flowing from natural talents will ultimately be pushed into supporting an immensely intrusive state, which may well buck any possibility of pursuing excellence. Nozick observes that someone who truly thinks differences in natural talents are unfair would be compelled to support hugely illiberal policies: for instance, making more physically attractive individuals uglier through cosmetic surgery. I do not think any reasonable person could support such a drastic egalitarianism. However, it is possible to overstate such worries, and to understate the significance of sociological and political factors in generating inequality by explaining everything through differences in natural talents. The far right arguments are grotesquely misleading and wrong. Individuals like Stefan Molyneux, who invoke alleged differences in natural talents to justify racist or sexist policies, are promoting positions that cannot be sustained by anyone concerned with fairness.
Egalitarian Liberalism and Differences in Natural Talents
The radical left believe that differences in natural talents do not exist, and are therefore not politically significant. The political right believe that natural talents do exist, and should have some political significance. There is a third way: an egalitarian liberal position on the political significance of differences in natural talents. Egalitarian liberalism holds—like the classical liberal position—that, if they exist, differences in the natural talents of different social groups have some political significance, but of a special kind. This runs contrary to the classical liberal claim that differences in natural talents justify the unequal opportunities and benefits individuals from those social groups possess. But differences in natural talents are purely arbitrary from a moral point of view. The political upshot of this is that a fair, liberal society should do a great deal to compensate those with different or unequal natural talents.
Many such arguments draw on the pioneering thinking of John Rawls, the most famous twentieth century liberal. An egalitarian liberal accepts that there may be inequalities in natural talents between individuals and social groups. But, unlike a classical liberal, she contends that these inequalities have little to do with the individual or social merit of the subjects concerned because natural talents are distributed in an arbitrary manner, which has nothing to do with anyone’s moral worth. It says little about a person that he was fortunate enough to be born with an IQ of 150 and wound up as an engineer. Nor should we condemn those without such innate capacities, if they end up working in professions that are less socially and economically valued. Moreover, the egalitarian liberal will observe that which natural talents tend to be valued depends a great deal on arbitrary circumstances, which themselves have nothing to do with nature. For instance, men’s athletic talents tend to be economically valued over those of women. This is often justified by pointing to men’s superior strength and athletic potential. But this is a bad argument. The value attributed to competitive athletics is itself highly arbitrary: if our society happened to attribute greater social value to activities in which women tend to excel (as it should), then we would be less prone to valuing the sexes unequally. The same can be said of other natural talents that happen to be unevenly distributed across social groups. In many circumstances, those talents are only valuable because we have collectively decided to attribute value to them. There is nothing natural about such a process of attribution.
The political consequences of this are that—contra the radical left argument—arbitrary differences in natural talents should acknowledged and granted political significance. But only as a first step to acknowledging that the unequal outcomes generated by such differences have nothing to do with the moral merit of individuals. Fair and liberal societies would not accept the classical liberal dictum that unequal natural talents justify unequal outcomes, let alone the far right arguments for enacting illiberal racist and sexist policies. The far right arguments are especially repugnant because they imply that arbitrary differences in natural talents justify enacting policies that punish people for circumstances beyond their control. Such arguments should be abhorrent to anyone who takes liberalism and human rights seriously. If different social groups happen to have different natural talents, the job of a just society would be to ensure that each of them still has access to fair opportunities, so their different skills can be rewarded and acknowledged. Not to do so would be to allow morally arbitrary factors a huge and unjustifiable influence over determining who gets what.